Why do the zapatistas oppose nafta

S or Canada, so we must be try very cautious. Certainly it will affect all lands occupied by Native people without specific agreement with the government such as Bureau of Land Management lands of "Crown lands" in Canada , all privately held Indian land, and the lands of Alaska native corporations.

NAFTA will probably affect the right of a tribe to regulate the sale of privately-held lands within reservation boundaries if such regulation attempts to keep Candadian or Mexican investors out.

A major agreement of this sort should have recognized Native groups split apart by the U. Native Americans will be especially vulnerable because almost are employed in such ares.

Industrial located on or near reservations are especially likely to move to Mexico, where labor can be obtained for 80 cents an hour with no benefits provided. Indian craftspeople, since it will prevent discrimination against their far more numerous Mexican and Canadian counterparts.

The theoretical progress to advance indigenous rights and living standards by the Mexican Government was a good step for achieving indigenous demands, reflected in the Zapatista revolt.

However, in practice one can argue that the EZLN demands to the Mexican government were unsuccessful when examining the current conditions of the indigenous peoples in Chiapas. Presently, indigenous peoples in Chiapas lack basic services such as education and healthcare. Alternatively, the Chiapas issue can be examined as a positive approach for indigenous populations. The Zapatista rebellion played a significant role in the expansion of indigenous rights and recognition in Mexico. As a consequence of the insurgency, together with its international implications — such as the loss of confidence of foreign investors — the Mexican Government was obligated to make constitutional reforms that granted indigenous peoples local political autonomy and greater political participation at a national level.

Indigenous peoples not only gained from this rebellion the expansion of political rights, but also guaranteed greater preservation of traditions, languages and ways of living. The Mexican Government has failed to reduce poverty levels and improve the quality of life standards in Chiapas: violence, social inequality and human rights violations to indigenous peoples still remain. However, as a consequence of the Zapatista revolt, the government has made efforts to overcome these problems by creating Federal agencies specialised in indigenous issues.

The creation of the CDI can be seen as an example of these efforts. Regardless of the shortcomings of these government agencies, their creation is a big step towards accelerating the development of indigenous communities. Instead of returning fire, the Zapatista insurgents and tens of thousands of Zapatista civilians fled to the mountains. Mexican soldiers ransacked the abandoned villages, leaving behind destruction as they advanced through Zapatista territory.

The government eventually called off the attack and peace talks were renewed, but the Mexican army established formidable army bases in the heart of Zapatista territory. The strained relationship between dialogue and violence would continue to mark this stage of the Zapatista movement, and women would end up on the front lines in defending their communities from military attack.

The Zapatistas have never forgiven AMLO, and the conflict could shape their relationships with the new president over his six-year term. Others have applauded the Zapatistas for their unwavering anti-capitalist stance and ongoing commitment to truly holistic solutions.

There would, however, remain an ideological divide. The Zapatistas have long argued that, under neoliberalism, the capitalist class is always in control, regardless of which political party is in power.

Many environmentalists and Indigenous groups , including the Zapatistas, oppose the project. After the passage of the Indigenous Law, the ELZN turned away from any further efforts to engage with the federal government. Instead, the movement has concentrated on the construction of Indigenous autonomy within its own territory. Since , the EZLN has also engaged in dialogue with international civil society, inspiring a generation of young activists to organize for social justice in their own contexts.

Through its national mobilizations and dialogue with other sectors of society, many credit the EZLN with strengthening Mexican civil society , as Chris Gilbreth and Gerardo Otero have written. The Primer Encuentro Intercontinental por la Humanidad y contra el Neoliberalismo First Intercontinental Gathering for Humanity and against Neoliberalism in , and other international gatherings organized by the EZLN, helped jumpstart a worldwide anti-globalization movement.

The exchange between Zapatista and non-Zapatista women has been especially fruitful. Meanwhile, the Zapatista movement continues to offer a viable example of local alternatives to global capitalism, albeit at a small scale. The economic cooperatives in Zapatista communities, for example, are strengthening a local and regional economy based on collective effort and the well-being of the community, rather than competition and profit.

A s social movements in the United States grapple with the rise of white nationalism, the undermining of democratic institutions, deaths of migrant children in government custody, and attacks on voting rights, reproductive rights, environmental protections, and so on, some of the lessons that the Zapatista movement and its history offer might be more relevant than ever.

In , the Zapatistas declared war on the Mexican government. They decided to take on global capitalism and aim to dismantle patriarchy in Zapatista territory. At the same time, they know that none of us have all the answers, that we make the road by walking. Contemporary social movements might do well to emulate this combination of chutzpah and humility. The Zapatistas also readily acknowledge that theirs is a long-term struggle.